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GMF Celebrates 40th Anniversary with Berlin Gala May 22, 2012 / Berlin

The German Marshall Fund celebrated its 40th anniversary with a gala dinner at eWerk, an event space, in Berlin on Tuesday, May 22.

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What the 2012 G8 and NATO Summits mean for global security and economics May 22, 2012

GMF Transatlantic Fellow Kati Suominen joined C-SPAN's Washington Journal to discuss the purpose of the G8 and NATO summits and what impact the outcomes of the meetings will have. 

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In 8 Minutes or Less: The euro crisis through the eyes of Asia May 21, 2012

In this podcast, GMF Senior Transatlantic Fellow Bruce Stokes interviews Ken Endo, a Professor at Hokkaido University School of Law in Japan, about the impact of the euro-debt crisis on Asia. Endo gives his view on changes to banking regulations and how Japan should take a role in shaping future regulations for the global financial sector.

News & Analysis Archive

A Strong Case to Drop India Uranium Ban December 02, 2011 / Dhruva Jaishankar
The Interpreter


This essay was originally published by The Interpreter. It can be read here in its original form.

It should be no surprise that New Delhi would welcome an Australian decision to export uranium to India. Isolating India on nuclear matters proved a major — and some might say unnecessary — hurdle for US-India relations. Indo-Australian strategic relations too have been held hostage to the uranium ban; in fact, India specifically advocated that Australia be excluded from multilateral security dialogues, the uranium ban being one significant factor influencing New Delhi's position.

While cogent cases have already been made for reversing Australia's stance on diplomatic and security grounds, MV Ramana's criticism, citing non-proliferation concerns, is intriguing.

In the strictest sense, he is right: Australia on its own can't guarantee that India will adhere to world-class safety standards or non-proliferation norms. But he's incorrect in assuming that Australia won't make a difference. In fact, there's already been a shift in India's behaviour following the Nuclear Suppliers Group's decision to exempt it in 2008. India's approach to the non-proliferation regime at the Conference on Disarmament at Geneva on such matters as a fissile material cut-off is but one notable example.

India's shift in position has also helped convince a previously sceptical Obama Administration of the merits of the controversial deal brokered under George W Bush. Moreover, the US-India nuclear deal has not resulted in the dire predictions made by many non-proliferation specialists (including those cited by Ramana) about India rushing to build nuclear weapons once unencumbered by the global nuclear export regime. In fact, India's decision not to upgrade or even replace its primary sources of weapons-grade plutonium suggests a continuing commitment to its existing deterrent.

The decision is ultimately Australia's to make, but, combined, the diplomatic, security, and non-proliferation dividends make for a compelling case in India's favour. As the world reaches out to India, Australia can't afford to be left behind.

Dhruva Jaishankar is Program Officer for Asia at the German Marshall Fund, a Fellow at the Takshashila Institution and an occasional columnist for The Indian Express.

Image by the White House.