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Events
GMF Celebrates 40th Anniversary with Berlin Gala May 22, 2012 / Berlin

The German Marshall Fund celebrated its 40th anniversary with a gala dinner at eWerk, an event space, in Berlin on Tuesday, May 22.

Audio
What the 2012 G8 and NATO Summits mean for global security and economics May 22, 2012

GMF Transatlantic Fellow Kati Suominen joined C-SPAN's Washington Journal to discuss the purpose of the G8 and NATO summits and what impact the outcomes of the meetings will have. 

Audio
In 8 Minutes or Less: The euro crisis through the eyes of Asia May 21, 2012

In this podcast, GMF Senior Transatlantic Fellow Bruce Stokes interviews Ken Endo, a Professor at Hokkaido University School of Law in Japan, about the impact of the euro-debt crisis on Asia. Endo gives his view on changes to banking regulations and how Japan should take a role in shaping future regulations for the global financial sector.

News & Analysis Archive

Get China right by getting Asia right January 21, 2010 / Daniel Twining
Foreign Policy


In 2010, President Obama would be well-advised to shift from an "inside-out" to an "outside-in" Asia policy. Rather than taking an approach to this dynamic region that starts with Beijing, raising fears of a Sino-American condominium, he could follow former Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage's maxim that "getting China right means getting Asia right."

The spectacle of a junior Chinese official scolding the president in Copenhagen symbolizes a troubling turn in relations with a country rendered overconfident by excessive U.S. deference. At the same time, Washington's ties to Asia's other principal powers -- Japan and India -- have deteriorated, further encouraging China's new assertiveness toward both America and its neighbors.

An "outside-in" Asia strategy would accept that China will determine its own course, but that the United States continues to possess the power and influence to shape China's peaceful rise. Washington could usefully stop framing the U.S.-Japan alliance around a narrow dispute over the relocation of American forces on Okinawa, giving Tokyo the space to pursue vigorous domestic reform that will ultimately strengthen the vitality of Japan and, by extension, the alliance. President Obama could begin to take India as seriously as did Presidents Clinton and Bush, acting on the premise that a U.S.-India partnership in Asian and world affairs holds far greater potential, by virtue of common values and shared strategic perspectives, than does any Sino-American G2. Obama could oversee the kind of historic breakthrough in U.S.-Indonesia relations that characterized U.S.-India relations under Bush.

Building on Secretary Clinton's welcome recent endorsement of U.S.-Japan-India trilateral cooperation, the Obama administration could invest in deepening regional concerts among Asia-Pacific powers grounded in common values and shared security perspectives. Finally, Obama could pursue an Asian trade policy rooted not in bilateral protectionism against Chinese products but in pan-regional trade liberalization, starting with the South Korea-U.S. free trade agreement and the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Obama must ensure that America remains at the core of the Pacific century, not relegated to its fringes.