BUCHAREST CONFERNECE - WELCOME SESSION
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KENNEDY, PRESIDENT, GERMAN MARSHALL FUND: Good morning. I want to welcome those of you who are new to the conference today. We had a
great kick-off yesterday, first with welcoming remarks and speech by
President Basescu, then very serious and substantive speech by
Congresswoman Tauscher. I especially want to thank you for making the
effort to call this way for one day. She is going to be leaving
shortly after this next session. I just really want to acknowledge
the special effort because this is a very busy time for the U.S.
Congress.
Last night, I think we really started to dig in on some of the tougher
issues. Those of you – that were guns and gas. We had to shut it
down at 11.15. I have a feeling they would still be talking if we
hadn't sent you home at that point. I would also say that I thought
the bulk of the discussion last night was one of the most interesting
thoughtful conversations that I've heard in a long time. And then, we
had a chance to hear, I think, a very forceful and energetic speech
this morning by President Bush.
It's my pleasure today to just set the stage for two very important
partners of ours. These conferences are very difficult to do without
very strong cooperation. We have been very lucky, as I said
yesterday, to have tremendous help from the Government of Romania,
both the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but also the Prime Minister's
office that you are going to hear from in a few minutes. We have also
had very, very good partners in Chatham House. And it is really my
privilege today to turn the podium over to Robin Niblett, the head of
Chatham House to introduce our speaker this morning. Robin?
NIBLETT, DIRECTOR, CHATHAM HOUSE: Thanks, Craig. Well, I am
delighted to have this opportunity to add my words of welcome to this
Bucharest conference. It is both a pleasure and an honor to be a
partner of this event, and really on behalf of Chatham House, I want
to add my own words of welcome. Let me also say first that I admire
what you and the whole team of GMF have done to make real what you
have termed, I think, yesterday as the NATO idea summit that runs in
parallel to the formal NATO summit, first in Istanbul, then in Riga,
and now this superb venue here in Bucharest.
I think the alliance needs a regular forum that asks what (INAUDIBLE)
diplomatically that says what always be said publicly, especially at
NATO summits, and also one that offers ideas for the next summit, that
looks forward beyond the immediacy of the questions that we are
confronted with today. Of course, these ideas don't emerge by
themselves and I want to thank also all of you speakers and
participants for taking the time to join us at this Bucharest
conference. It is your presence, it is your contributions that will
add the substance that will make this Bucharest conference something
to remember and the success that I think it will be.
I want to say that, while I am excited about this event, I am also
anxious certainly about the discussion that is coming up, and not just
because of the uncertainty that surrounds some of the big questions
that will be taken by governments at the summit itself. I'm anxious
also because of the uncertainty that surrounds the underlying purpose
of this great alliance after the end of the cold war. Yesterday,
Congresswoman Tauscher gave a clear answer to the question of what is
the common threat that should unite and drive NATO members in the
future. She said radical fundamentalism.
This morning, President Bush said that defeating the terrorist threat
was the top priority for the NATO alliance. Now, I wonder how many of
their European counterparts would give precisely those same answers.
I believe that we are taking decisions on deployments, on
capabilities, on questions about enlargement, without necessarily
having a common sense of what the future purpose of the alliance is.
And as we heard at the Nighthall (ph) session yesterday, I was at the
guns and gas session, these are not just divisions that cut across the
Atlanta, these are divisions that cut across and through Europe as
well in terms of determining the right priorities and choices for
NATO.
Now, we are especially grateful therefore to be able to have the
opportunity to have a partner in the Romanian Foreign Ministry. This
has given us the chance to be able to take on these difficult
challenges and I think it is very appropriate therefore that the
second full day of discussions should be opened by remarks by his
Excellency Calin Popescu-Tariceanu who is the Prime Minister of
Romania. Mr. Tariceanu became Prime Minister of Romania in 2004. He
served as the Member of Parliament from 1996, he founded the National
Liberal Party back in 1990 and has served as its President since 2005.
Mr. Tariceanu, welcome and we are delighted to have you here.
TARICEANU, PRIME MINISTER, ROMANIA: Your excellencies, ladies and
gentlemen, dear friends, it is my great honor and pleasure to welcome
you here today together with our partner from Chatham House and the
German Marshall Fund. I have heard Romanians saying these days that
for one week, our country will be the center of the world. If they
believe so, it is because they understand that by having joined NATO
and the EU, Romania has finally regained its rightful place in a
community of nations, built on the enduring universal values that are
central to what humanity means.
This gathering today is the culmination of the hard work of doing the
right thing. Romania today is a thriving economy, a country on the
move, a country proud of its culture and heritage, yet committed to
its future. We now rightfully take our place in the world stage as a
(INAUDIBLE) with our allies in the Euro-Atlantic family.
Ladies and gentlemen, supporting democracy as universal value remains
a keystone of NATO's presence and action in today's world. Let us not
forget the enormous accomplishments from the cold war to this stage of
the enlarged alliance. Many in the new generation are fortunate to
have growth up only in this world of great opportunities. They have
no history of struggle, they cannot possibly understand why many of
these countries wept (ph) at our inclusion in Euro-Atlantic
institutions or why we can feel such pride in hosting this NATO
summit. But, you must never forget our history. We can never forget
where we came from. It only makes us stronger, it only makes us more
reliable, it only reinforces the importance of the values we share in
this alliance.
Yesterday, I met a group of young apprentices from different countries
and I was impressed by their commitment to these values. I trust they
will be able to carry these values forward. I'm confident that
supporting democracy as universal value remains a keystone of NATO's
presence and action in today's world. From this perspective, I trust
we can confirm President Franklin Roosevelt's urge, we cannot always
built a future for our youth, but we can build our youth for the
future. I had encouraged our young apprentices that we were in this
world to be generation prepared to speak up in upholding democracy as
the most precious asset of our Euro-Atlantic family.
Dear friends, ladies and gentlemen, the strategic setting of NATO's
immediate neighborhood is very different now from what that of the
earlier mid-90s. However, if NATO and EU are the safeguard, they must
abide by their expressed vision, they must take the lead in anchoring
the countries of the Balkans and (INAUDIBLE) region to the
Euro-Atlantic space of security and values. This is a clear
expectation, given a sense of emergency among the people in the region
for this to happen.
NATO accession is a confirmation of successful embracement of the
values our alliance stands for, including successful progress in the
democratic, economic and social reforms. This process strengthens the
basis for a successful accession to the European Union. We have
successfully experienced this, when the previous waves of the
enlargements have includes the Central and East European countries.
We all recognize that extending the NATO security umbrella over the
countries in the Balkans and the wider Black Sea region is paramount
to fostering domestic reforms, building economic and social stability
as well as strengthening the democratic choices.
The Bucharest NATO summit provides us with a unique window of
opportunity to substantiate both our security interests and the strong
political commitment we have made. NATO's open door policy might come
to an end in the future, but as long as this policy remains valid,
NATO has to stay the course by accommodating the free choice of
sovereign nations to enter organizations that enhance their security.
In that spirit, Romania supports the decision for extending
invitations for accession into NATO for the three partners from
Western Balkans, Croatia, Albania and the Republic of Macedonia.
We also hope that Ukraine and Georgia will be offered the
strengthened, increasingly closer relation with NATO. A clear signal
towards closer ties with NATO should also be given to Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Montenegro and of course Serbia, a developed cooperation
of Republic of Moldavia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, and Central Asia
states, and the reconfirmation of the continued importance of the
Black Sea region has for the Euro-Atlantic security. Hereby, NATO
could prove that it is able to translate the critical energies of the
region into projects aimed at closing the development gap, overcoming
separatist and nationalistic obsessions.
Let us not forget, some of the vital ingredients to our region's
stability. Connecting instead of isolating, acting in solidarity
instead of excluding, expanding infrastructure links. But, we cannot
build a sustainable stability without social cohesion, functional
institutions and the rule of law. It is a lesson we have all drawn
from our accession into NATO and the European Union. It is a lesson
broadened during a decade of regional cooperation in Southeastern
Europe. It is an experience that could be beneficial to Europe's
immediate neighborhood.
Ladies and gentlemen, we live in a world of open security where
geographical borders are losing their relevance. No one amongst us
here would doubt that credible threats to energy security or critical
infrastructure are indeed a threat to the way our societies function.
Since the 2006 summit in Riga, NATO experts are searching for concrete
ways in which NATO can add value in the realm of energy security. At
the Bucharest summit, we should all expect to see some of the results
of this work. They could form a strong basis for more comprehensive
strategic concepts to energy security, including the need to protect
critical infrastructure.
We will not tire to emphasize that Europe needs a common and coherent
policy approach in this field. Given its increasing demand, Europe
must diversify and secure its energy sources, suppliers and transport
corridors. Energy security liberates us from tensions and allows us
to foster an environment of co-prosperity and development. The new
challenges posed by globalization, climate change, market
liberalization should be scourged of exclusive self-interested
approaches. We are confident that expanding cooperation in the Black
Sea region and strengthening Euro-Atlantic partnerships with the
Caspian countries will also enhance energy security policies for
Europe overall.
Ladies and gentlemen, NATO is first of all about freedom, democracy
and prosperity, let's never forget that. Yet it is pride that the
young Romania stands shoulder to shoulder with Europeans and North
Americans throughout the globe. We are involved around the world in
peacekeeping efforts, in fighting terrorism, because we know how
important it is to help those who like us share the longing for a
better world. The geographical expansion of NATO's recent missions
underlines the need to project stability beyond the Euro-Atlantic
area, including post-conflict reconstruction, stabilization operations
or training tasks. NATO experiences in these regions have
demonstrated that success stems only from efficient military and
civilian cooperation and a strong emphasis on winning hearts and
minds.
Afghanistan provides us the solid opportunity to underpin a gradual
convergence between NATO, EU and the UN in terms of stabilization and
security efforts in areas of shared concern. The renewed commitment
of our transatlantic community is currently vital in Afghanistan. To
a good extent, NATO's future will be shaped in that theater. For all
these reasons, we strongly believe our mission in Afghanistan has to
be an irreversible success and we want to at this summit to reconfirm
our large (ph) solidarity for accomplishing it.
Ladies and gentlemen, we have to transform the alliance, refashion its
partnership and work on its future strategic vision. It is indeed not
an easy task. On the quality of this transformation hinges the
security not of a group of countries, but of the values underlying our
world. I thank once again the German Marshal Fund and the Chatham
House for their undertaking to approach this impressive agenda and I
wish you inspirational debates. Thank you very much.